How British Intelligence planned the Irish ‘Troubles’ of 1968-98 & used Provo fake-patriots to achieve the ruination of Ireland

Although he spoke Irish and Gaelicised his name, Seán Mac Stíofáin, the very first head of the Provisional IRA, was born as John Edward Drayton Stephenson, in 1928 in Leytonstone, London.

Martin McGuinness

Princes of Darkness

By Patrick O’Carroll

The record shows that the Irish ‘Troubles’ of 1968-98 were masterminded, run, stoked, and finally wound down by ‘Illuminati’ Agent Peter Carington (‘6th Baron Carrington’), who was the British defence secretary in 1970-74, the secretary-genocidal of NATO in 1984-88, and the chairman of the Bilderberg Steering Committee in 1990-98.

Carington was a high-level ‘Illuminati’ Agent FAR-ABOVE everyday politics (i.e. above the Punch & Judy Show in which Rothschild-Tory pretends to ‘oppose’ Rothschild-Labor). The ‘Illuminati’ trusted and authorised its agent Carington not only to make reliable and autonomous decisions regarding northeast Ireland, but also decisions on the decolonization of Rhodesia, and the waging of the Argentine-Malvinas Conflict (‘Falklands War’) in 1982.

Ireland as a Test-Bed for the Zionist War of Terror

Overall, in anticipation that the Zionist War of Terror would commence on 11 Sep 2001, the Synagogue of Satan (‘Team Antichrist’) planned the Irish ‘Troubles’ mainly to STUDY its new form of warfare that it called ‘terrorism’, so its post-2001 Zionist War of Terror would be more effective, chiefly in terms of ‘realistic media propaganda’. Thus, Ireland was to serve as a Test-Bed for a worldwide strategy of the Synagogue of Satan (‘Team Antichrist’).

Originally, this form of warfare (‘terrorism’) had been constructed in Palestine in 1937-48 with the aid of Zionist terrorists, along with oceans of ‘advisory services’ and know-how donated by Meyer Lansky's Jewish Mafia.

Keep in mind that the Synagogue of Satan (‘Team Antichrist’) plans all major events at least 50 years in advance. The date 11 Sep 2001 (Freemasons honour their Prince Lucifer by styling it 11 Sep 6001 AL) signified the ‘first day of the Seventh Millennium, also dubbed Eon of Horus, by Ancient Egypt's Sirius-based calendar’. All the concrete planning for 11 Sep 2001, the post-2001 Zionist War of Terror, AND the Irish ‘Troubles’, began around 1960.

MI6 founded the PIRA

The Provisional IRA (PIRA) issued its first public statement on 28 Dec 1969, after it had been created a few days earlier by an IRA ‘extraordinary council’ held at Knockvicar House in Boyle, County Roscommon; a council that split the IRA into two factions, i.e. the Provisional IRA (PIRA), and the Official IRA (OIRA). The OIRA could not stomach the violence the PIRA announced it intended to do against British civilian targets as its ‘new strategy’. The OIRA wanted to retain the conventional IRA policy of only striking British military targets in Ireland and Britain.

It defies all logic to claim that the IRA would ruin its reputation by attacking civilians, but MI6 made this happen.

MI6 wanted to prevent an Irish-Republican Revival

By 1963, Britain very much feared the Irish Diaspora of North America which numbered around 40 million and had more disposable income than Britain's citizens. It had become vogue for artists like the Kingston Trio or Bob Dylan to sing Irish-Republican songs and airs. The Irish music-scene was led by the Clancy Brothers, Tommy Makem, the Dubliners, the Chieftains, the Wolfe Tones, and others. Britain feared a major propaganda effect that might cause Political Republicanism to revive, and trigger new attacks in northeast Ireland. Dominic Behan had written lyrics (and some music) to new and popular Irish ‘power ballads’ such as 'The Patriot Game’; ‘The Merry Ploughboy (Off To Dublin In The Green)’; ‘Carrickfergus’; ‘McAlpine's Fusiliers’; ‘Avondale’; ‘Dicey Reilly'; ‘The Old Triangle', et cetera. MI6 needed a way to associate the singing of Irish-Republican songs with murder, so it needed the PIRA to attack British civilians because it feared that Irish Republican rebellions had a habit of repeating roughly every 50 years, and it wanted to nip this process in the bud, especially since, by 1963, the Irish Diaspora had colossal political and financial clout. By sullying the image of Irish Republicanism with the murder of innocent civilians in pubs or trains, MI6 figured that it could completely foil any potential Irish-Republican Revival this time around. It was right.

Seán Mac Stíofáin

MI6 made an Englishman the very first head of the PIRA

Seán Mac Stíofáin was chief-of-staff of the PIRA in 1969-73, but he may well have been a British MI5+6 Agent. In Jul 1953, Mac Stíofáin joined an IRA arms raid on a British armoury in Essex and served a prison term in 1953-59. However, traditionally, MI5+6 have turned MANY incarcerated victims to become their agents, as happened in cases like Mahatma Gandhi, Michael Collins (very probably), Éamon de Valera (likely), and in many other cases.

However, although he spoke Irish and Gaelicised his name, Seán Mac Stíofáin was born as John Edward Drayton Stephenson, in 1928 in Leytonstone, London. An only-child, his father was an English solicitor's clerk and his mother a Londoner of Ulster-Protestant, East-Belfast descent. Thus, not quite your ‘average, everyday IRA man’!

Peter Carington

Carington stoked, or really INVENTED, the Irish ‘Troubles’

As the British Rothschild-Tory defence secretary in 1970-74, Peter Carington was in the best position to provoke the Catholic population of northeast Ireland by way of two major atrocities committed by the British Army in order to abruptly transform the Irish ‘Troubles’ from a series of minor skirmishes into a full-blown conflict:

1.      The Ballymurphy Massacre in West Belfast, in which the British Army shot dead eleven unarmed Catholic Civilians on 9-11 Aug 1971.

2.      The Bloody Sunday Massacre in Derry, in which the British Army shot dead thirteen unarmed Catholic Civilians on 30 Jan 1972, with one injured victim later dying in hospital (total death-toll fourteen).

Both of these atrocities were ordered directly by Peter Carington, Britain's defence secretary and the trusted agent of the ‘Illuminati’. Also, prominent British General Mike Jackson was present at both atrocities and he played an indirect role in all of these killings. His own troops even labeled Jackson with nicknames like ‘Prince of Darkness’ and ‘Darth Vader’. Furthermore, both atrocities also made extravagant use of satanic numerology (9, 11, 13, 30).

These two atrocities altered forever the initial perception among the Catholics of northeast Ireland that the British Army was there to ‘protect' them from armed Protestant mobsters. On the contrary, these two atrocities, which had a major worldwide media-effect, definitively became the Zero-Hour Lift-Off for the entire Irish ‘Troubles’.

Carington officially blamed for Barbarous Policies

In a 1977 letter discussing the policy of torturing Irish-Republican internees during ‘Operation Demetrius’ [the 1971-75 policy of internment without trial], the then-British home secretary, Merlyn Rees, confirmed that Carington had been the originator of key torture policies, stating: ‘It is my view (confirmed before his death by Brian Faulkner, NI prime minister at the time) that the decision to use methods of torture in Northern Ireland in 1971-72 was taken by ministers, in particular by Peter Carrington, then secretary of state for defence’. SOURCE: https://www.irishtimes.com/news/politics/british-ministers-sanctioned-torture-of-ni-internees-1.1820882

Carington kept the PIRA trained up

Carington was prominent in NATO and served as its sixth secretary-genocidal in 1984-88, so he was familiar with NATO terrorism, and specifically with NATO's ‘stay-behind armies’ for Operation Gladio. (Operation Gladio was the codename for clandestine ‘stay-behind’ armed operations organised during the Cold War by the Western Union, and subsequently by NATO and the CIA in collaboration with several European intelligence agencies. Operation Gladio involved the use of assassination, psychological warfare and false flag operations to delegitimise left-wing parties then in the ascendent in Western European countries.) It is well-documented that, in 1970-95, NATO trained multiple controlled-opposition ‘terrorist’ groups at the CIA's ‘Hyperion Language School’ in Paris (https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q3787887). These included the PIRA, Germany's Red Army Faction (also known as ‘Baader-Meinhof Gruppe’), Italy's Red Brigades ("Brigate Rosse"), the Basque separatist group ETA, and many others. Although the Zionist-controlled mainstream-media called these groups ‘left-wing’, they were in fact ALL the controlled-opposition stooges of ‘Team Antichrist’, and their members knew each other personally from NATO-CIA training courses that they jointly attended at this ‘Hyperion Language School’. In the very same way, al-Qaeda, ISIS, Antifa, and others, are today the controlled-opposition stooges of ‘Team Antichrist’. Nothing actually changed in several decades. In the Dec 1994 issue of Covert Action Quarterly, Arthur Rowse cited an Italian police report that referred to the ‘Hyperion Language School’ as "the most important CIA office in Europe".

Carington had the necessary satanic credentials

Essentially, ‘Team Antichrist’ chose Carington because he really had proven satanic credentials to stoke the Irish ‘Troubles’, which finally clocked up a total death-toll of 3,532 (and 47,500 injured). Carington was a warlock of the Order the (Witch) Garter, and he was made member #965 (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_knights_and_ladies_of_the_Garter) of this witchcraft coven in 1985. Witches and warlocks are notorious for endorsing ritual-human-sacrifice.

Carington even wound the Irish ‘Troubles’ down

To mock Ireland's slaves, ‘Team Antichrist’ planned the Irish ‘Troubles’ as a ‘New Thirty Years War’ so their 1998 end-date was already known from the start. As chairman of the Bilderberg Steering Committee in 1990-98, Carington had the power to influence the British Regime to make this date a reality. In London and Belfast, he cajoled top-level puppeticians (e.g. Rothschild-Tory and later Rothschild-Labor) but also mid-level public-serpents.

Besides their planned end-date, a second reason for ending the Irish ‘Troubles’ was to free up the British military which ‘Team Antichrist’ needed to play an unfettered, albeit symbolic, role in the Zionist War of Terror in 2001-20.

CONCLUSION

Curious facts include an Englishman, and probable MI5+6 Agent, becoming the first PIRA chief-of-staff in 1969-73, and Martin McGuinness being the PIRA's second-in-command in Derry on Bloody Sunday aged only 21 in Jan 1972. In May 2006, about 8 years after the ‘Good Friday Agreement’, ex-British FRU Agent Ian Hurst (nom-de-guerre ‘Martin Ingram’) alleged that McGuinness was, and remained, a British MI6 Agent codenamed ‘J118’.

The only logical explanation is that MI5+6 created the PIRA in Dec 1969 as a civilian-targeting offshoot from the more-sensible, strictly-military OIRA, and deployed it as its controlled-opposition to study new ‘terrorist’ warfare methods, and to better prepare its Zionist War of Terror (already planned from circa 1960). Although we are led to believe that the IRA ‘willingly agreed’ to totally ruining its reputation by striking British civilians, that is simply untrue. On 22 Feb 1972, the OIRA attacked the Aldershot HQ of the British Parachute Regiment to avenge Ballymurphy and Bloody Sunday, both of which were committed by that regiment. It then proceeded to honour the durable ceasefire it declared in May 1972.

Aftermath of PIRA bomb attack, London, March 1973

The Provos’ Path to Woke Sharia

By John Waters

[This is a reworked version of an article originally published here in January 2024.]

Incredible as it may seem, the above account, by my brilliant friend Patrick O’Carroll, of the Provisional IRA’s wholesale betrayal of the nationhood and republicanism to which it laid claim, is the most convincing explanation for the recent conduct and behaviour of the PIRA’s longtime political wing, Sinn Féin. In recent years, it has become clear that this movement, which ostensibly still clings to its past rationale and rhetoric, has become all but the total antithesis of what it has long claimed to be. Indeed, as I outline below, there is persuasive evidence that this shift, which had been in gestation for many years, went fully operational within days or hours of the signing of the Belfast Agreement (aka ‘The Good Friday Agreement’), on Good Friday, April 10th, 1998, to formally end the violence associated with the ‘Troubles’ that had blighted the islands of Ireland and Britain for thirty years. At that moment began the metamorphosis which has resulted in today’s abomination of a party laying claim to patriotic values, while pushing globalism, multiculturalism, imposed mass inward migration, extreme feminism and queer ideology, trans radicalism and sundry other Woke fetishes, and seeking to demonise and cancel those who continue to fight to carve a future for the Irish nation.

In truth, probably long before the Good Friday Agreement was even mooted, Sinn Féin was well on its way to becoming a Cultural Marxist organisation, having been radicalised from within via its womenfolk. During the 1980s, while the men were ‘on the blanket’ in Long Kesh, republican women took up an extreme version of feminism, which rapidly functioned to disintegrate the movement’s previous essentially Catholic-based ideology, and appeared to swap its nationalist/republican driving mechanism for an ideology fixated on power above all. This latter impression may have been a false one, since it now appears likely that this apparent nationalist republicanism was fraudulent form the outset.

There is evidence also that, in the years immediately before the Good friday Agreement, that the movement began to be funded by George Soros’s Open Society Foundation, which was intent upon adapting existing political movements to its plan to destroy Western countries by pushing for open borders and, more generally, what would in time be termed ‘Woke’ policies. Sinn Féin bought-in, 100 per cent, implicitly upgrading — as the wiseacres have it — its ‘Brits Out!’ slogan to ‘Brits Out, Everyone Else In!’

I remember attending the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis at, of ll places, the Royal Dublin Society (RDS) in Ballsbridge, Dublin, on May 10th 1998, just a month after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. I went there as a public commentator, being then a weekly columnist with the Irish Times. I went there also as someone who, unlike the vast majority of Irish journalists of the time, had sought to give the Provos and its political wing a ‘fair shake’ in the public discourse by presenting their viewpoint to my newspaper’s readers — not least, though not only, because I believed this was a sine qua non of achieving the ending of the Northern conflict. I had gotten myself into quite a bit of trouble on account of this policy — being labelled a ‘fellow-traveller’ and a ‘snakin’ regarder,’ for example, by fellow-commentators who were implacably opposed to the incorporation of the Provisionals in any settlement that might be achieved. I, for my part, while disagreeing just as vehemently with the Provisionals’ methods as any of these pundits, regarded most of this pontificating as amounting to a moral cop-out from the spurious elevation of a delusionary high moral ground. There seemed to me to be little virtue in blocking negotiations between the principal combatants, since the chief outcome would undoubtedly be the continuance of murder and mayhem. It seemed clear to me that no settlement could be achieved unless the Provisionals were brought to the table and the IRA persuaded to bring its ‘struggle’ to a close.

A major bugbear nearing the end of negotiations was the issue of the decommissioning of IRA arms, which the unionists and British authorities were insisting upon. I had pretty exhaustively been making the case that the IRA had a legitimate claim that it was impossible for the IRA to decommission, since this would be tantamount to an admission that there had been no ‘war’ but merely a succession of terrorists episodes. If a peace was ever to be engineered, I reasoned, it needed to be based on a negotiated settlement between equal adversaries, not something like the end of a siege, where the criminals come out with their hands up. (In the end, the IRA agreed to put its arms ‘beyond use,’ but this process was subject to lengthy prevarication and procrastination, coming to pass some three years after the Good Friday Agreement, under the supervision of a neutral observer, the Canadian General John De Chasterlain.)

I had no particular expectations of that Ard Fheis, but I have to admit to being somewhat bemused to find that, instead of being greeted as virtually the movements’s sole defender on the decommissioning and other issues in dispute, I found myself assailed, time and again, not by the traditional line of Shinner activist or volunteer, but by female Sinn Féin members who were exercised about the entirely unconnected things I had been writing about family law, male suicide, toxic feminism and other ‘gender’-related themes. ‘Are you dah fella dah does be writin’ dat shite about wimmin in de paper?’ one of them demanded to know. A (very) senior female Sinn Féin activist, who subsequently became a Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) and, in due course, a minister at Stormont, scolded me publicly for what I was writing on these topics. Most of the women I encountered that day were of the type described by Máiría Cahill in the fine 2023 book, Rough Beast — women, as she was herself to discover, who put the demands of their movement first in all matters, and never broke ranks even to defend someone like Cahill, a woman of their own tribe, who had been treated unjustly by the movement’s leaders.

To put the tin hat on things, who should I run into that day but the party leader, Gerry Adams, whom I knew fairly well, having interviewed him a couple of times going back to 1983, when virtually nobody in the southern media was giving him the time of day. That interview had been commissioned by Hot Press magazine, for which I’d been writing since early 1981. I was still based in the West of Ireland, and had to drive to Belfast via Dublin that morning, and back the same route in the evening — a total of 150 miles out of my way, all told — to pick up a visiting female American photographer, because none of the paper’s regular snappers was will to take on the assignment.

Fifteen years down the road, after a few more encounters in which we had developed a cordial if distant relationship, I found myself confronted by the Sinn Féin leader in the unlikely ambiance of the Gents convenience in the Royal Dublin Society. I greeted him and he looked around and responded, ‘Ah, John!’, looked me up and down and said: ‘I read what you write in the Irish Times about men . . . ‘ I nodded encouragingly and waited to hear what he had to say on this subject, but that was it; he had, so to speak, shot his bolt. He turned his back and went back to the business in hand.

I did not realise it at the time, but what I was observing that day — just a month after the formal end of the 30 year-long ‘Troubles' with the signing of the Good Friday Agreement — was the Provisional movement in the process of switching lanes. There had long been rumours going around to the effect that several senior Provisional leaders had all the time been MI5/6 agents, engaged in a massive psychological operation, aimed primarily at disintegrating the patriotic attachment of the Irish people to their homeland, with a view to softening the country up for the ultimate globalist takeover. At the time, I regarded these rumours as fantastical and ridiculous; I no longer do so.

Looking back on that day in the RDS in Dublin, I can perceive the beginning of a pattern that might well be described as the ending of the movement’s 30-year supposed struggle to get ‘the Brits’ out of Ireland, and the beginning of a new manifestation of the Provisional movement, in which it would support, assist and police a new phase in the externally-orchestrated destruction of our country and nation, as George Soros and his fellow travellers moved in to supervise the re-plantation of the country with indifferent aliens whose presence would consolidate the programme of deracination that had already been imposed on the native population. Thus, my willingness to go out on a limb to support the movement in emerging with dignity from its 30-year war was no longer a matter of any relevance for its members; what mattered was that I was writing, in another context, things that were contrary to the tenets of Cultural Marxism. Thus, the but recently dawning sense of symmetry between the hostility of the screeching Shinner harridans I encountered in the RDS that day, and the meaning of their leader’s turned back as he pointedly set to urination once again. Taking literally the movement’s rhetoric and self-description, I had interpreted both episodes as mere bad manners. They indicated, in fact, a repudiation of someone who for them no longer served any purpose.

Nowadays, the Sharia-supporting incarnation of Sinn Féin under Mary Lou McDonald regularly threatens to burn down any premises in which there is the slightest possibly that I might be permitted to speak. Any memory of those days during which I sought to use what influence I had to request a hearing for a party with whose methods and tactics I had long disagreed has long been swept away by the hurricane of history and the exigencies of realpolitik. The only republic on the Sinn Féin agenda these days appears to be the Islamic Republic Formerly Known As Ireland

Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou MacDonald, 2024

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